
| ISSN 1357-4442 | Editor: Simon Denison |
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| FEATURES |
Bridges were built in much the same way for centuries. Then they changed. Bill Smyth explains
Everywhere we travel,
we encounter bridges.
For many centuries
the masonry arch appears to
have been the dominant
form; but this was not necessarily so. Timber bridges have
disappeared and stone bridges are the ones
that are left.
Over recent decades, however, the form
and material of new bridges has completely
changed. `Beam' bridges predominate (horizontal decks resting on supports) and there
are comparatively few new arched structures.
Most bridges are now made from reinforced
concrete, prestressed concrete and steel.
There is a relationship between the
structural forms of bridges and the materials
used. The main forces acting in a bridge are
compression and tension: if you rest a plank
of wood across two supports at either end
and place a load on top, the topside of the
plank experiences compression (it is being
shortened) and the underside experiences
tension (it is being stretched). Timber, like
steel, is strong in both tension and compression, and can therefore be used as a
beam. Timber bridges were once very
common because timber is much lighter
and more easily worked than stone and was
once very plentiful. However, timber has
two serious defects: it burns and unless it
can be kept completely dry or wet, it rots.
So in the end timber bridges were replaced
by stone or brick arches.
An arch is a way of making use of
materials with little or no tensile strength.
Stone is very weak in tension and until the
discovery of the arch could only be used for
very short spans, as in the prehistoric clapper bridges like Tarr Steps near Winsford
on Exmoor. The arch relies on its ability to
resist compression. The suspension bridge,
by contrast, where the primary structural
feature is the heavy cables, relies on their
ability to resist tension.
Beam bridges make fewer demands on
their foundations than arch or suspension
structures because their loads are taken
directly down to the foundations. The
other two impose horizontal forces on their
foundations. Suspension bridges pull their
supports inwards (this force is experienced
when two people at opposite ends of a rope
have to pull at either end to keep it off the
ground). Arched bridges, by contrast, push
their supports outwards, and this has to be
resisted by the ground pressing against the
abutments or pier foundations. Broadly
speaking, the narrower the arch, the less
horizontal force is exerted. Wide arches,
where the span is much greater than the
height, have in general only been possible
in more recent times, although a medieval
example of a `segmental arch' (so called
because the wide arch forms only a segment of a circle) is the Ponte Vecchio in
Florence (completed 1356).
Medieval bridges were built one arch at a time. This meant that at
each pier, during construction, the arch which had just
had its centering (or support)
removed exerted a horizontal
force which was not yet balanced by an opposing thrust
from the next span. To cope with this force
the piers had to be very wide, and - where
it crossed a river - they considerably obstructed the flow. The medieval London
Bridge had such a reduced waterway that
the fall in water level between upstream
and downstream ends of the piers was as
much as six feet. When the flow is constricted by bridge piers the river flows more
quickly through the openings as well as
becoming turbulent. It picks up larger particles and deepens its bed, possibly
undermining the pier foundations. Many
bridges have been destroyed this way.
In the 18th century things began to
change. Empirical rules began to give
way to calculations based on the emerging laws of mechanics. Spans became larger.
Some bridges were now built with all spans
constructed at the same time. This made
the centerings much more expensive, but
the piers could be smaller. John Rennie's
bridge which replaced the old London
Bridge in the 1830s was built like this. The
centerings were constructed away from the
site and floated into position on pontoons.
In the late 18th century the first iron
bridge outside China was the arch across the
Severn at Ironbridge and a number of cast
iron bridges were built in the 19th century.
They were mainly arches, because cast iron
is weak in tension. Wrought iron, which is
strong in tension, was also used, notably in
Brunel's railway bridges at Chepstow (main
span replaced in the 1960s) and Saltash,
which survives. Chepstow also has a cast
iron road bridge dating from 1816. Steel
came into use later in the century and
eventually displaced other forms of iron.
An example of an early steel bridge is the
Forth Railway Bridge, built 1883-90.
The first bridge in Britain of reinforced
concrete, that is concrete with steel bars in
it to take the tensile forces, was built in
1901-2 at Chewton Glenn in Hampshire,
and by 1913 more than 300 had been
constructed here. There was a great variety
of structural types. Some of them were
arches and some of these reinforced concrete arch bridges are hardly recognisable as
concrete because they are covered in stone
for aesthetic reasons, like Chiswick Bridge
over the Thames (completed 1933). Another
Thames bridge, Waterloo Bridge (completed
1942), was the last major reinforced concrete bridge in the UK. This is a beam
bridge, faced in stone - although some
people think it is a series of arches because
of the curved undersides to the beams.
After the Second World War there was
a shortage of steel, which required a licence
to use. Such bridges as were built used
prestressed concrete, and from then on all
major concrete bridges were built from this
material. Tendons (usually steel bars or
bundles of wires of very high strength) are
stretched by jacks at the ends and anchored
to the concrete so as to compress it. Tensions resulting from loading the structure
are absorbed as reductions in the pre-existing compression.
In the late 1950s the first motorways
were built and created a new kind of
obstacle to be bridged. Few bridges
over motorways are arched, because the
width of span needed to cross the road in
an arch, and the headroom required over
the motorway edges, would require a deck
very high above the road. Where arches
have been used it is where a high deck is
appropriate, such as when a motorway runs
through a deep cutting. An example is
where the M40 slices through the Chilterns. Thomas Telford had a scheme for an
iron arch spanning the Thames in one span;
but it was impractical because the height of
the deck would have required enormously
long approach ramps, causing devastation
on both sides of the river.
The majority of bridges crossing motorways are beam bridges. Sometimes a kind
of rectangular arch is used, known as a
portal frame, a cross between an arch and a
beam (it has the disadvantage of side-thrust,
like an arch, but is used when there is not
enough space at either side for a supported
beam). Some of the first bridges to be built
over the M1 are rather curious two-span
portal frames of reinforced concrete, for
example on the section of road between
Luton and Crick, and where the M1 bypasses St Albans.
While stone arches always had to be
supported on centering during construction,
modern materials have opened up other
ways of building bridges. From the mid-19th century some very large steel bridges,
such as the Forth Railway Bridge and the
Tyne Bridge, were built by cantilevering
out from each pier or abutment so that the
two halves of each span met in the middle.
In the case of the Forth Bridge, the bridge
sections were cantilevered out from each
pier in two directions at once, for balance;
but with the single-span Tyne Bridge, the
cantilevered sections were prevented from
falling forwards during construction by
means of cables anchored in the ground.
Most reinforced concrete bridges were cast
in their final position, but many prestressed
concrete bridges have been built from prefabricated segments, such as the M180 bridge
over the Trent near Scunthorpe. Bridges
have also been built by pushing sections out
from one abutment to the next, with the
weight of the length in mid-air balanced by
a length resting on the approaches. The
new road bridge for the A48 at Chepstow,
for example, was cantilevered out in this
way to a distance of 300ft.
One of the significant things that happened to British bridges over the centuries
was the replacement of less durable by
more durable material, that is timber by
stone. That has now been reversed. So far
modern materials have proved to have
shorter lives. Bridges built by the Romans
are still standing, but both reinforced and
prestressed concrete bridges have already
experienced many problems. For example,
the prestressed Ynys-y-Gwas bridge in
West Glamorgan failed in 1985 because of
the corrosion of steel tendons at the joints
between precast segments.
Already new materials are being tried.
Plastics have been used to encase steel bridges
to make them more weather resistant (a
modern version of the technique formerly
used in Switzerland and elsewhere of putting roofs on timber bridges to make them
last longer). Glass-reinforced plastic has
been used in this way on the undersides of
some of the bridges over the motorway on
the English approach to the Second Severn
Crossing. At least one bridge - a footbridge
at Aberfeldy golf course in Perthshire - has
been built with a structure of plastics. High
strength man-made fibres are being
thought of for prestressing and for the
cables of suspension bridges.
No doubt in their turn these materials
will turn out to have unexpected problems.
The ancient bridge builders also had their
problems. The old bridges, like medieval
cathedrals, that we see today are the ones
that worked.
Bill Smyth is a retired bridge engineer, and has
advised English Heritage on the listing of postwar bridges
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Place-names and topography locate the Beowulf story near Faversham, claims Paul Wilkinson
The Old English epic poem Beowulf,
which stands at the very beginning
of English literature, has long been
regarded as a mythical tale, a work of pure
fiction.
It is the story of a youth who achieves
glory in a foreign land by killing the monster Grendel in King Hrothgar's hall - a
place called Heorot - and then by killing
Grendel's mother in the surrounding
marsh. Beowulf then returns home, and is
killed in his twilight years fighting a
dragon.
The poem, thought to have been written down in its final form in the late 10th
or 11th century, after centuries of oral
transmission, recalls the heroic world of the
5th-6th century Age of Migration, but is
overlain by later Christian sentiments.
Most scholars regard the written poem as
the product of a sophisticated, Christian
court, but believe that the action of the
poem takes place somewhere in southern
Scandinavia. `It contains no reference to
the British Isles,' wrote the Beowulf scholar
Michael Alexander in 1973.
It is possible, however, that Beowulf's
foreign adventure was to southern England
- to the Isle of Harty and its surrounding
area in Kent; and that, far from being a
work of pure fiction, the poem in fact
preserves a memory of Germanic raids in
south-eastern England in the 5th and 6th
centuries.
The action in Beowulf takes place in
the 6th century. We know this
because of the mention of a real
historical event, the raid by the Swedish
leader Hygelac on the Franks of Frisia, in
which Hygelac lost his life. The event is
recorded by Gregory of Tours in his Historia
Francorum as occurring in 521. In the poem,
Hygelac is Beowulf's lord.
Another probable historical character
mentioned in the poem is the Saxon leader,
Hengest. Beowulf's warriors are entertained
by tales of earlier heroes, and one tale they
heard was the Saga of Hengest - a real
work of which only a fragment survives.
As described by the historians Nennius
(a 9th century compilation) and Bede (8th
century), Hengest was one of the first
Germanic leaders to come to Britain in the
early 5th century.
Then came three keels, driven into exile from
Germany. In them were the brothers Horsa and
Hengest . . . Vortigern welcomed them, and
handed over to them the island that in their
language is called Thanet, in British Ruoihm.
(Nennius 1:31)
The incomers were welcomed as mercenaries, but Vortigern's troubles demanded ever more men. Hengest seems to
have risked a rebellion in the late 440s, as
his numbers grew. It is possible that, in
addition to Thanet, the other offshore
islands of Kent, including Harty, Elmley
and Sheppey, were seized and held. But
the revolt apparently misfired, and after
years of war the Germans were eventually left in possession of only limited
territories in North and East Kent.
It is these events that may be dimly
echoed in the lines of Beowulf. Harty Island
was called Hart Londe in the 15th century
and Heorot in the 11th century - the same
name as Hrothgar's hall in the poem. Interestingly, the island seems to have taken its
name from its main settlement, called `Harty'
on the earliest surviving (16th century)
map of the area.
Many of the details of Beowulf's adventure seem to fit such a voyage. The sea
journey from the mouth of the Rhine to
Britain was estimated by the 1st/2nd century writer Plutarch to be about 36 hours.
Beowulf sighted land on the morning of
the second day (the second morning). If, as
would be normal, he had sailed on the
evening tide, his journey would have taken
36 hours.
Beowulf's first sighting of land is of
`sea-cliffs shining, shores steep, broad
sea-nesses.' Best landfall on the coast of
Britain from the mouth of the Rhine is
either at North Foreland on Thanet, or at
Sheerness cliffs. The North Foreland
displays an optical trick of `shining'
when the rising sun strikes the white
chalk of the cliffs; in fact in pre-dawn
light the cliffs can shine quite dramatically whilst the surrounding ocean is still
in darkness, a phenomenon remarked
upon by early mariners. Sheerness cliffs
display the same natural phenomenon,
and the Anglo-Saxon place-name emphasises the point - Sheerness means
`bright headland'.
Beowulf's voyage ends at a place called
Land's End, which interestingly is the name
today of a small sea-inlet just to the north
of Harty. Above it, the cliffs are called
Warden Point, a name recorded from at
least the 12th century. In Beowulf, the
`warden' of an important Jute/Germanic
household stands on the cliffs above Land's
End, sees Beowulf's approaching ship and
picks his way down to the shore to greet
the young warrior.
The warden accompanies Beowulf
until the hall, Heorot, comes into view.
He then leaves him to continue along the
`straet' that `climbs up' to the building.
Straet is Old English for a Roman road
(from Latin via strata, a paved way).
There are no Roman roads in Jutland,
but there is one on the Isle of Harty,
leading uphill to a Roman villa or settlement on the island. The road was
surveyed recently by the Swale Archaeological Survey.
It makes sense that Hrothgar's hall was a
former Roman villa. On arrival at the hall,
Beowulf strides across a `fagne flor'
(fine/flagged floor) which the Anglo-Saxon place-name specialist Margaret
Gelling suggests (in Signposts to the Past)
`could denote the floor of a Roman building which, whether paved or tessellated,
would be more elaborate than those of
Anglo-Saxon buildings'.
Over that floor, tessellated or otherwise,
walked Wealtheow, King Hrothgar's
queen, `at times famous queen, peace-pledge between nations'. The word
walh/wealh was used by the early English to
denote the native Romano-Britons. The
word theow can mean serf but also was used
for the subject of an arranged marriage. It
is likely that a woman called `Wealtheow'
was a Romano-British noble, given in a
marriage alliance between the Romano-British ruling class of Kent and the
Germanic King Hrothgar. Such marriages
certainly took place. According to Nennius, Vortigern himself married the
daughter of Hengest.
Heorot was the
centre of one of
the largest and
earliest `lathes' in Kent -
the Lathe of Scray, called
Schrawynghop in 1240. A
lathe was a large division of
land supporting a Germanic king and his folk.
Other lathes were centred
on Canterbury and Rochester. Why was the land
around Harty called
Schrawynghop? What does it
mean?
Old English hop means a
piece of land enclosed by
marshes, and according to
Margaret Gelling, the only
certain occurrence in Old
English is in Beowulf, where
the monsters' lairs are called
fenhopu and morhopu, `marsh
retreats'. The Swale, the
tidal estuary dividing Harty
from the North Kent coast,
is now surrounded by
many square miles of
drained marsh and tidal
pools. In the 5th century,
the Swale estuary was a
drowned world of marsh,
bog, tidal pools and whirlpools. Harty
Island itself dominated and was surrounded by this watery landscape and no
doubt was the piece of land surrounded by
marsh alluded to by the element `hop' in
Schrawynghop.
According to JK Wallenberg in his Place
Names in Kent, the Old English screawa
means `a malignant man, a devil'. He
writes: `I interpret the name of Schrawynghop as a piece of land surrounded by
marsh, haunted by one or several supernatural malignant beings'. That the name
given to the early Germanic kingdom of
Faversham and Harty should commemorate the fact that the marshes surrounding
Harty were haunted by `supernatural malignant beings' is astounding. It fits exactly
the story of the half-human beasts Grendel
and his mother whom Beowulf slayed in
the watery wilderness that surrounded
Heorot.
Until the 1950s, a large boat-shaped
earthwork called Nagden Bump stood on a
spit of land opposite Harty Island, over-looking one of the main waterways to
London (it has since been removed). Its
commanding position suggested a royal
burial mound, of the type described in
Beowulf. In the poem, the dying Beowulf
says to his followers: `Bid men of battle
build me a tomb on the foreland by the sea,
so that seafarers shall name it Beowulf's
barrow.' It is a charming thought to imagine that Nagden Bump (a Scandinavian
place-name) may have been the burial
place of Beowulf himself.
Thus numerous pieces of topographical and place-name evidence in the
landscape around Harty indicate a connection with the epic saga Beowulf. If the
poem does recall events that took place
in Kent during the Age of Migration, its
stories could be the founding-myths of
the English-speaking nation and Harty
could be one of the most important sites
in Britain.
Paul Wilkinson runs the Swale Archaeological
Survey for Swale Borough Council
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Pictorial reconstructions have always
shaped people's thinking about the past,
writes Stephanie Moser
For many centuries
people have been producing illustrations of
primitive humans who were
thought to have lived in the
distant past. Despite the mass
of these images, they have
generally been taken for granted. They are
regarded as uncontentious, whereas in
truth the opposite is often the case.
Whether historians and archaeologists
like it or not, many people's beliefs about
life in the past derive from popular illustrations. One example of this trend is the
popular image today of `Stone Age Man' as
a stooped and hairy brute, which is repeated in numerous cartoons but is far
removed from archaeological reality.
It would not, perhaps, matter that illustrations were so influential, if they were
also generally `accurate'. In fact, illustrations are complex documents that often
reflect pictorial traditions as much as the
latest research. They also inevitably reflect
contemporary fashions and concerns, despite the best intentions of the illustrators
for historical accuracy. This is as true today
as it was 500 years ago.
Images of early Europeans first began to
appear in large numbers in the late 1500s
and 1600s. They coincided with the beginnings of antiquarian research, which was
mainly interested in the national origins of
the great European nations. These images,
mostly of Europeans of the immediate
pre-Roman era, were influenced by Renaissance art traditions, encounters with
New World natives, information in Classical texts, and the early discoveries of
artefacts and sites. Above all, they reflect
the Renaissance idea of the noble warrior
of antiquity. Although they seem historically fanciful today, these pictures helped to
establish a popular image of the ancient
warrior which maintains a powerful grip
on the popular imagination today.
Two influential painters of this time
were Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues and
John White. Le Moyne, a Huguenot artist
who accompanied the French expedition
of Laudonnière to Florida in 1564, produced in 1585-8 Young daughter of the Picts, a portrait of a young woman covered from
head to toe in painted flowers. The body
decoration reflects contemporary ethnography but the details of this decoration are
European, the flowers being based on species only known to the western world. Her
anatomy and posture are inspired by classical art and her hair typical of Renaissance
painting. Seeing naked women with body
paint in Florida may have
inspired Le Moyne to indulge in projecting such a
vision back into the European past.
John White accompanied Sir Walter Raleigh on
his trip to Virginia in 1585. One of his
pictures, Pictish man holding human head
(front cover), has several influences. Head-hunting, body decoration, the man's
shield, and the metal torques around his
waist and neck, all derive from classical
accounts, for example those of Herodian
and Dio Cassius. The posture of this figure
is Mannerist, and his long hair and moustache derive from contemporary European
traditions of the `wild Irish'. This ancient
Briton is regarded as a naked and painted
barbarian, clearly related to contemporary
pictures of the tattooed Indians of the New
World.
New World influences were not as
strong in the 17th century work
of the Polish scholar Phillip Cluverius and the Dutchman Johan Picardt;
but these artists still had a strangely primitive view of early Europeans. In
Cluverius's pictures, garments, armour and
weaponry are used to indicate the regional
distinctions among the German race; but
despite the sophisticated dress and arms
possessed by some tribes, the primitive
lifestyle of the ancient Germans
is emphasised by the nakedness
of many figures and the lack of
structures or settlements. Picardt's images were of the first
people to live in Drenthe, an
old province of the Netherlands, published in a study of
megalithic burial monuments.
Picardt regarded the people
who built these monuments as
giants with long hair, animal
skin garments and clubs.
These 17th century pictures
represented a shift of interest
from classical accounts and
exotic ethnography to the
ruins and monuments on the
landscape. From this point on,
the archaeological dimension
of the past started to assert
itself in the imagery of human
antiquity.
The rise of the earth sciences in the 18th and 19th
centuries had a profound impact on the perception of
human origins. The discovery
of deep geological history and the dismantling of the biblical chronology
transformed all previous conceptions of the
beginnings of humanity. Illustrators were
faced with the challenge of representing
humans living in times when the environment and animals were very different from
the present, and although the new images
were `scientific' in a sense, they did not
supplant previous images but rather grew
out of them.
One of the first images to present the
new theory of human antiquity was Louis
Figuier's Appearance of Man of 1867. Visual
symbols in this picture represent the scientific vision including a crevasse, separating
humans from animals, wild vegetation,
representing another geological epoch,
extinct animals, bones lying on the
ground, defining our ancestors as hunters, and the depiction of a large social
group suggesting that prehistoric people
needed to live in groups to survive. In
addition there are the familiar emblems
of nakedness, a cave home, animal skins
and clubs. Unchanged is the anatomy of
the humans, which is still based on heroic
or classical models.
The humans in this picture are doing
battle with monsters. This theme of combat was to become a major theme in the
representation of prehistory, a continuation of the old `warrior' theme in another
form. This and other contemporary pictures share much of the iconography of the
Romantic movement and also reflect the
new Victorian colonial interest in exotic
and savage foreign lands, and the Victorians' belief in themselves as civilising rulers.
All the humans in these images are white-skinned, and reveal contemporary attitudes
to gender roles with men stereotyped as
providers and women as nurturers.
Afar greater challenge to established
thinking on human creation came
when evolutionary theorists like
Darwin argued that our species had
evolved from ape-like ancestors. The suggestion that our first ancestors were not
anatomically modern meant that illustrators
had to create an image that blended characteristics of humans and apes. These
pictures played a major role in the success
of the human origins revolution. By presenting the theory of human descent from
the apes in terms of long established visual
traditions, they in effect made the unbelievable believable.
One early image of this type was Pierre
Boitard's Fossil Man. It communicates Boitard's view that this ancestor was a `horrible
species' with a body that was `stout, squat
and thickly muscular'. The hairy, naked
and black-skinned figure stands at the entrance of his cave holding a weapon,
recycling the age-old imagery of the wild-man. Although humans in this and other
similar images have been recast as savage
brutes, they retain the traditional human
(male) characteristic of the hunter.
As more early human fossils were found
from the late 19th century, and new species
were recognised, research findings were
increasingly translated into visual representations. Sequences of images were
produced representing human development. Yet while new details reflecting
research discoveries were incorporated,
illustrators standardised their pictorial motifs into a basic set of five or six
images. The standard scenes
typically contained hunting,
toolmaking, eating rituals, fire,
combat with wild beasts, and
ultimately the production of
art. Figures in the earlier scenes
were always black-skinned,
while the `civilised' artists of the
final scene were typically white.
Despite a century of research
into human origins, this standard set of images has continued
to be produced, with stylistic
modifications, right up to our
own day. In the widely-reproduced work of later 20th century artists such as Maurice
Wilson and Zdenek Burian,
we still find the familiar icons of
caves, skins, fire, tools, clubs,
hunting, and a traditional male/
female division of labour.
The fundamental paradox
of pictorial reconstructions is
that while images appear to be
creative and free of restraint,
they serve to confirm and reinforce established ideas. Once we had imagined the
past and translated this into imagery, it
effectively became what we pictured it to
be. A challenge for the future will be to
find a new way of illustrating the past that
breaks free of clichés and allows us to
picture prehistory in a new and more informed way.
Dr Stephanie Moser is a Lecturer in Archaeology at the University of Southampton. Her
book, Ancestral Images, was published by
Sutton recently (ISBN 0-7509-1178-6)
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© Council for British Archaeology, 1998
Changing materials, changing bridges
Finding Beowulf in Kent's landscape
Seeing the past in standard images